Home > The Big Eras >
Big Era Nine
In Development
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Paradoxes of Global Acceleration
1945 - Present
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This Big Era and the Three Essential Questions
Big Era Nine is different from all earlier eras because we do not yet know where it is leading. So our choice of major themes is somewhat more uncertain than it has been for earlier eras. We will focus on three historical developments that capture important transformations of this era:
• Accelerating economic growth. Driven by growing
populations, expanding trade networks, and new technologies,
the global economy grew faster than ever before in history.
Intensification, that is, the ability to extract more
energy and resources from a given area, has shaped human
history
since the beginnings of agriculture but never as decisively
as during Big Era Nine. By some measures, more growth
has occurred in this era than in all previous eras of human
history
combined. People who were born in the middle of the twentieth
century have probably seen more rapid change than any
previous generation of humans. Unprecedented growth has
also increased
human impact on the natural environment of the entire planet.
• Accelerating globalization. The second key change
is globalization, that is, the drawing of tighter links
among peoples in all parts of the world. New technologies
of transportation
and communication developed in Big Era Nine or earlier
meant that for the first time in history all parts of the
world
could be linked in real time. Increasing cultural, economic,
political, and military interaction around the world transformed
governments, economies, and the lives of ordinary people.
For better or worse, humans have been forced into closer
interdependence than ever before.
• The paradoxes and conflicts generated by rapid
change. The world has become increasingly contradictory
and paradoxical.
For some, rapid economic growth and globalization offered
opportunities. For others they meant the destruction of
cherished lifeways and ancient traditions. While many got
wealthier,
others experienced declining standards of living, nutrition,
and health. The varied and often contradictory impact of
change explains why Big Era Nine has been an era of constant
military, political, and cultural conflict.
 Humans and the Environment 
n Big Era Nine, global population grew so fast and technologies
became so powerful that for the first time in history humans
began to have a significant impact on the entire biosphere.
Indeed, increasing human effect on the environment has been
the most important of all the changes that occurred in the
twentieth century.
The number of humans on earth grew from 2.5 billion in 1950
to about 6 billion in 2000. Between 1955 and 1990, average
life expectancies throughout the world also rose from about
35 years to 55 years Approximately 6 per cent of all the
humans who ever lived on earth may have lived in this brief
era. And because they lived longer, approximately 12 per
cent of all the years lived by all humans were lived in these
50 years. People lived longer and reproduced faster because
of the spread of new medicines, such as antibiotics, and
improved sanitation and health care, particularly in the
world’s burgeoning cities. Death rates fell throughout
the world in both rural and urban regions. Remarkably, increasing
irrigation, the use of artificial fertilizers and pesticides,
and the new, genetically engineered crops of the Green Revolution
ensured that food production kept up with population growth,
at least on a global scale. Agricultural production rose
about 2.7 times between the 1950s and the 1990s, while population
grew a little more than 2 times.
Unprecedented population growth magnified human impact on
forests, crop lands, pastures, and seas. These effects were
particularly devastating in poorer countries, which did not
have the resources to limit environmental damage. The spread
of human populations threatened many species with extinction
by reducing the land and resources available to them. In
1996, about 20 per cent of all vertebrate species on earth
may have been in danger of extinction. In fact, the rate
of extinctions today may be approaching the rates attained
in the five or six eras of most rapid extinction over the
past several hundred million years.
New technologies increased the scale and transformed the
nature of environmental change. By 1990, roads and other
spaces set aside for automobiles and trucks took up 5-10
per cent of the total land surface in North America, Europe,
and Japan, and about 1 per cent in the world as a whole.
Modern transportation systems helped spread diseases such
as AIDS and the SARS virus throughout the world within just
a few years or even just a few months. Scientists have created
thousands of new chemicals, from plastics to fertilizers
to Chlorofluorocarbons (CFC). Many of these substances are
harmful to humans and animals. By the 1970s, the Rhine River
carried such high levels of chromium, nickel, copper, zinc,
and lead that a Dutch expert complained that the river was ‘metal-plating
Holland’.
Increasing use of fossil fuels, particularly
coal and oil, has pumped such huge quantities of carbon dioxide
and other “greenhouse gases” into the atmosphere
that these gases threaten to raise average temperatures and
thus transform global weather patterns. “Global warming,” as
this process is known, could have a devastating impact on
low-lying areas and transform the world’s climate.
Nuclear power, which many at first saw as a source of virtually
limitless clean energy turned out to be costly and dangerous.
Its waste products not only take thousands of years to decay
but also provide the raw materials for new and terrible weapons.
Nuclear bombs have given humans the power, if they choose,
to destroy much of the biosphere within just a few hours.
For the first time in planetary history, a single species
has become a major force for change in the biosphere as a
whole.
Though global in their scale, these environment
effects have differed from one region to another. Many of
the wealthier industrialized nations have begun to reverse
some forms of environmental damage by improving water and
air quality in large cities, replanting forests, checking
soil degradation in arid areas, and slowing the spread of
diseases such as AIDS. But in dry and forest regions, farmers
have often been compelled to use the land in unsustainable
ways in order merely to survive. Poorer countries have also
found it harder to deal with diseases. The number of adults
suffering from AIDS has been held below 1 per cent in the
US, but in some regions, the disease’s impact has been
far more devastating. In the mid-1990s, for example, almost
one quarter of all adults in Zimbabwe, Botswana, Namibia,
Swaziland, and Zambia had the HIV virus that causes AIDS.
While many in richer countries have begun to see environmental
degradation as a future danger, many in poorer regions already
live with environmental crisis.
Fortunately, the scale of environmental change has ensured
the emergence of powerful environmental movements in many
countries. Some have been able to influence the policies
of governments and international agencies, including the
United Nations. Also, there have been some notable successes
in the campaigns to protect the environment. Global population
growth has slowed since the 1960s because birth rates have
fallen, particularly in the wealthiest and most urbanized
regions. It now seems likely that human populations will
level out at about 9 or 10 billion in the middle of the twenty-first
century. In the long run, a slowing of demographic growth
is bound to help reduce human impact on the environment.
Also, environmental projects exit in many poorer countries.
They are often initiated by local communities and aimed at
conserving local resources such as fresh water forests. On
occasion, wealthier and poorer regions have cooperated successfully
to deal with environmental problems that affect the entire
world. In the 1980s, it became clear that the release of
CFC chemicals used mainly in refrigeration threatened to
break down the thin ozone layer that shields the earth from
the sun’s ultra-violet radiation. In 1987, an international
agreement limited the production and use of CFCs, and it
seems that the ozone layer may slowly be repairing itself
as a result. New energy technologies, such as wind power
and hydrogen fuel cells, may also help reduce our dependence
on fossil fuels.
Though the full consequences of humanity’s rapidly
increasing impact on the biosphere are not yet clear, humans
began for the first time in Big Era Nine to grapple with
environmental problems at a global level.
 Humans and Other Humans 
Accelerating economic and technological changes have brought
humans throughout the world into closer contact than ever
before, with results that have varied greatly from region
to region and group to group.
In Big Era Nine, technological change was more rapid than
ever before. Research and development, like warfare, have
become planned operations. They are organized by governments
and large corporations and conducted in commercial laboratories,
universities, and government research institutes. World War
II stimulated this trend, as the major combatant nations
organized research teams to create new weapons. In the US,
40,000 people worked on the Manhattan Project, whose goal
was to create the first nuclear weapon. These wartime projects
prepared the way for even larger programs, including the
Soviet and US space programs. Most of the more important
technological innovations of Big Era Nine depended on such
large research projects. They included the discovery of the
structure of DNA (and its recent decoding), the invention
and development of microchips, and the systematic use of
biotechnology in medicine and agriculture.
New technologies of transportation and communication speeded
up the movement of people and information and magnified the
effects of innovation in general. Almost 13 million migrants
moved to North America and Australasia alone between 1950
and 1973. In the same period, West Indians migrated to Britain,
Turks migrated to Germany, and Indians and Pakistanis moved
to North America, Europe, and the Middle East. Chinese migrated
to Xinkiang Province in the far west of the country and to
Inner Mongolia. Russians moved to the steppes of Kazakhstan.
People also communicated with each other faster than ever
before. By 2000, more than 1 billion phones were in use throughout
the world, and several hundred million computers were linked
to the Internet. The spread of mass media—newspapers,
cinema, radio, television, and the Internet—ensured
that images, news, and advertising also became global. Turkmen
nomads in Inner Eurasia used satellite dishes to watch American
soap operas, and young women and men throughout the world,
responding to images of life in the US, began to wear baseball
caps backwards. As the philosopher Marshall McLuhan predicted
in the 1960s, the world seemed to be turning into a single “global
village.”

Students at the American University of Sharjah in the
United Arab Emirates. This independent, coeducational
university, founded in 1997, follows an American
model of higher education.
Photo by R. Dunn
Globalization has been closely linked to economic growth.
Between 1950 and 1973, global GDP grew at about 4.91 per
cent per year before falling to the still respectable rate
of 3.01 per cent after 1973. In just under fifty years, global
GDP multiplied by more than six times. There were many causes
of growth. In the capitalist world, the dominant powers,
above all the US, learned the lesson of Big Era Eight: ruthless
competition and severe breakdown of global trade can stifle
growth. The major capitalist powers deliberately engineered
a revival of world trade after World War II, focusing primarily
on Europe and Japan. The US pumped huge amounts of money
into the reconstruction of both regions, and the major states
collaborated to create an international financial system
linked to the United Nations. Its aim was to help finance
reconstruction and modernization throughout the world.
International trade revived so fast after the war that the
proportion of goods traded on international markets, which
had fallen between 1913 and 1950, tripled between 1950 and
1995. The number of wage earners grew globally as rural workers
migrated to towns and as more and more women took up paid
employment. In the Communist world, high rates of growth
in the 1950s and 1960s depended mainly on government-led
industrialization drives. In the Soviet Union growth began
to slow in the 1970s. In China, however, rates accelerated
beginning in the 1970s, as the government in the period after
the passing of Mao Zedong began to allow more commercial
activity. Chinese growth rates rose from 2.9 per cent per
year between 1950 and 1973 to 6.4 per cent for most of the
1990s.
The benefits of growth, however, were distributed unevenly.
Living standards rose most rapidly in the most industrialized
capitalist regions, and more slowly in parts of the Communist
world. In the leading capitalist areas, rising mass consumption
became an integral part of economic growth. After the Great
Depression, capitalist governments and producers learned
how important it was to sustain demand by ensuring that ordinary
consumers could keep buying things. As the great economist
John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946) argued, this meant making
sure that consumers could buy goods even in times of difficulty.
This could be done by allowing wages to rise and by creating
unemployment schemes and welfare nets that limited the number
of people who fell into absolute poverty. The importance
of mass markets for goods such as refrigerators, televisions,
and cars first became apparent in the US between the two
world wars. After the second world war, mass consumption
of these and other goods also helped sustain growth in other
capitalist economies, especially during the boom years before
the 1970s. In the wealthier countries, rising living standards
also helped to defuse political radicalism and maintain the
stability of democratic institutions.
For consumers in the richest nations, these changes meant
an unprecedented rise in living standards. In the world as
a whole, however, economic differences between richer and
poorer regions became greater than ever, especially in the
later 1970s, when the world economy slowed. The table below
reveals these differences.
Per Capita Gross Income in 2000
(in $US)
USA |
34,100 |
Countries of highest income (average) |
27,680 |
Brazil |
3,580 |
China |
840 |
India |
450 |
Burkina Faso (Upper Volta) |
210 |
Economists in the wealthier regions kept insisting that eventually
even the poorest areas would benefit from the dynamism of
world capitalism. Industrial growth did in fact spread, particularly
in China, Taiwan South Korea, and India. In these newly industrializing countries (NICs), large middle classes began to emerge. They
aspired to the high material living standards enjoyed in
the US and Western Europe.
There were as many regions, however, where industrialization
did not take hold. In some countries, it seemed that attempts
by local producers to participate in global growth by selling
commodities such as tobacco, coffee, or cotton on the world
market merely damaged their economies. Often, such “cash
crops” removed land from food production, but at the
same time it put local producers at the mercy of sudden shifts
in world demand for their goods. Gradually, many less industrialized
countries became deeply indebted to banks and governments
in wealthier regions. This has made the task of industrialization
even more difficult. In the second half of Big Era Nine,
growth stagnated and even began to fall, particularly in
parts of Africa and Latin America. So, despite rapid world
economic growth in the first part of the era, many were left
behind. As late as 2002, 3 billion people had never used
a telephone, and 1 billion people had no access to electricity.
Global inequalities were highlighted by the prolonged ideological,
political, and military contest known as the Cold War. By
the end of World War II, the dominant powers were the US
and the Soviet Union. The United Nations, created in April
1945 in San Francisco, provided a forum for meetings between
the major powers and all other independent states, but real
power remained with the richest states. Even in the UN, the
US, the Soviet Union, France, Great Britain, and China (first
Taiwan and later the Peoples Republic on the mainland) got
the right, as permanent members of the Security Council,
to veto substantive proposals. While leaders in the West
promised freedom, democracy, and rising living standards,
the Soviet leadership offered an ideology of equality and
claimed that the entire capitalist system was on the verge
of collapse. Soviet leaders tried, wherever they could without
upsetting the uneasy balance of power with their capitalist
rivals, to support local anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist
movements. Their greatest success came in 1949, when China,
the most populous country in the world, fell to a Communist
government. The two Communist superpowers soon fell out with
each other. Even so, after 1949, more than a third of the
world’s population lived under Communist rule.
In the capitalist West, that is, the United States and the
European countries allied with it (plus Australia, New Zealand,
Canada and a few other lands with populations of predominantly
European origin) governments had good reason to be nervous
about the Communist world. In the 1950s, the Soviet Union
acquired nuclear weapons, and in the same decade Soviet scientists
sent the first unmanned and then manned rockets into space,
thereby showing that they had the technology to fire nuclear
weapons long distances. The military stand-off between the
USSR and the US came to a head in 1962, when the Soviet premier,
Nikita Khrushchev, tried to base Soviet missiles in Cuba,
its Communist ally in the Caribbean. To check this threat
to US power, President John F. Kennedy went to the brink
of nuclear war. The Soviet government backed down. But of
course nuclear weapons still exist today in the hands of
several countries.

Fidel Castro and His Ally Nikita Khrushchev
at the United Nations, 1960
Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division
Reproduction number LC-USZ62-127229
Beneath the political surface, the Cold War was fought through
ideology and economics. Both sides sought client states,
and they supported propaganda wars to attack the ideologies
and beliefs of the other side. Many smaller states found
that they could get military or economic aid from one side
or the other by offering at least temporary allegiance. China,
India, Cuba, Egypt, and many other countries benefited from
Soviet aid, normally directed at large construction projects
such as Egypt’s Aswan dam on the Nile. On the other
side of the ideological divide, Europe and Japan benefited
from massive US reconstruction loans after the war.
The Cold War ended in 1991 with the collapse of the Soviet
Union. The Soviet “command economy” was really
a huge, state-run monopoly, and it proved incapable of innovating
fast enough to keep up with its capitalist rivals. By the
1980s, the Soviet leadership could no longer supply its military
with up-to-date weaponry, partly because the computer revolution
had largely passed it by. Nor could it supply its population
with the high living standards of the wealthier capitalist
nations. After the Soviet Union broke up into more than a
dozen new states and all the Communist governments of Eastern
Europe fell, the world was once again integrated, as it had
been in the late nineteenth century, into a single international
system dominated economically by market capitalism. Even
China took an increasingly active role in world trade. The
dominant nation in the system was now the US, but its power
did not go unchallenged. The economic and political influence
of Europe grew as nations there formed the European Union.
Economic growth in China and India gave those countries political
clout, and the new Russian Federation, smaller than the Soviet
empire but still in possession of a nuclear arsenal, could
not be ignored.
The Cold War played a significant role in the collapse of
Europe’s colonial empires. The world wars of Big Era
Eight had undermined the authority of the colonial powers
and exposed their military vulnerability. After World War
II, the Soviet Union and Communist China supported anti-colonial
regimes throughout the world, and leaders in most colonies
organized independence movements. In the forty years after
1945, roughly 100 nations achieved independence from their
former European overlords. This rapidly multiplied the number
of independent nation-states represented in the UN, which
became the first organization in world history to give some
form of political representation to all regions of the world.
In 1945, fifty countries came together to write the charter
of the UN. IN 2003, there were 191 member states.
In many cases, including India and many countries of Africa,
colonies won their freedom through constitutional change
backed by vigorous political action and protest. Some, including
Algeria, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and the Portuguese colonies
in Africa, fought prolonged and bloody revolutionary wars
against colonial masters. Indeed, in Big Era Nine, these
anti-colonial struggles dominated world conflict, which involved
strategies and tactics of guerrilla warfare. In an increasingly
unequal world, wars have largely become David-and-Goliath
contests, in which terrorism, lightning strikes, and psychological
tactics are as important as direct military confrontation.
In principle, decolonization should have created a world
of equal, independent nations. In reality, the direct imperialism
of the late nineteenth century gave way to more indirect
forms of domination, in which the most powerful states used
both economic muscle and military pressure to exercise at
least partial control over former colonies. The Cold War
had given leaders of small states some room to maneuver between
the capitalist and Communist blocs. When the Cold War ended,
they lost even this flexibility. Part of the problem was
that, despite their theoretical commitment to free trade,
powerful states and organizations, including the US and the
European Union, continued to protect important sectors of
their economies, notably agriculture, with high tariffs.
This closed off opportunities for poorer regions to compete
on world markets.
Big Era Nine brought slow destruction to the world’s
rural peasantry. For thousands of years, most people in the
world had been peasants farming small areas of land. Following
the industrial revolution, however, more and more peasants
become wage earners. They either stayed in rural areas to
work for commercial farmers, or they left for the major towns
in search of wage work. The decisive changes occurred in
the first five decades of Big Era Nine, when peasants came
to represent a minority of the world’s population.
Between 1950 and 2000, the number of people living in cities
rose from about 30 per cent to over 50 per cent. In Japan,
the number of farmers fell from over 50 per cent of the population
in 1950 to less than 10 per cent in 1985. In Columbia, Brazil,
and Mexico, the percentage of farmers fell by half within
just twenty years. By the late 1980s, peasants remained a
majority of the population only in Africa south of the Sahara,
South and Southeast Asia, and China. Even in these regions,
the proportion of rural farmers fell rapidly. The “death
of the peasantry” meant the end of a lifeway that had
shaped the experiences of most humans since the agricultural
revolution 10,000 years earlier.
People of Morocco, 1967-71
Another major change of Big Era Nine was the challenge to
prevailing relations between women and men in much of the
world. Lifeways in cities were very different from those
in peasant villages. Better health care allowed more babies
to survive to adulthood and fewer children were necessary
to achieve a family’s economic success. New forms of
contraception made it easier to plan births, and bottle feeding
made it easier for women to share child-rearing tasks with
men. Finally, new energy sources reduced the importance of
sheer physical strength in most forms of work. All these
changes undermined the traditional division of labor between
women and men and encouraged women to seek more equal status
within both the family and the society at large. Particularly
in more traditional environments, many men regarded women’s
demands for rights to education, personal freedom, and political
participation as profoundly threatening. Despite this resistance,
increasing global exchanges of ideas and values, especially
through mass media, has ensured that the re-negotiating of
gender roles will continue almost everywhere.
 Humans and Ideas
By forcing people on all continents to confront one another’s
ideas, values, and practices, globalization has transformed
the way in which nearly everyone thinks about the world.
In some ways, globalization seems to have created a more
homogenous world, because styles, tastes, and material goods
from the more industrialized countries have spread to the
rest. For example, the McDonalds chain of fast-food restaurants,
which first opened in the US in 1955, now has thousands of
outlets throughout the world, selling variations on the same
basic menu. In most parts of the world, city-dwellers started
dressing, at least some of the time, in the jeans, suits,
and ties of the industrialized world, while English has become
the international language of business, computers and diplomacy.
The films of Hollywood have shaped cinematic tastes around
the world, and Elvis look-alike competitions are held Bangkok,
Thailand, and in small towns in rural Australia.
A Crowded McDonald’s Restaurant in Moscow
Photo by R. Dunn
Many people, however, have resisted cultural
globalization, seeing the values and images of the West,
meaning mainly the US and Western Europe, as serious threats
to national religious and cultural traditions. With films,
videos, and material goods came new ideas about consumption,
the value of money, gender roles, sexuality, and relations
between the old and the young. The Mao jacket, so prominent
in China in the 1960s and 1970s, or the head coverings of
pious Muslim women became powerful symbols of cultural identity.
Religious movements aimed at conserving and revitalizing
tried-and-true values and customs in such countries as Iran,
India, Russia, and even Western Europe and the United States
generated powerful support.
Acceptance or rejection, however, has not been the only
possible response to globalization. In much of the world,
cultural change reflects a complex synthesis of the traditional
and the modern, the local and the Western. Perhaps, the most
conspicuous example of this is “world music,” the
movement to combine musical forms and traditions from different
parts of the globe. On occasion, the synthesis may appear
disorienting to some. In 1996, for example, an Iranian designer
created “Sara” and “Dara” dolls,
figures dressed in conventional Muslim clothing, as an alternative
to the “Western” Barbie and Ken dolls that were
also sold in Iran.
As people throughout the world encountered one another’s
ideas and values, the deepest ideas about the meaning of
life have been challenged. All religions have rethought their
relationships to other religions and to the secular and scientific
traditions of the twentieth century. Many small, localized
belief systems have either died out or managed to preserve
some of their traditions within the structures and practices
of larger traditions. One example is the continuation of
elements of Maya religion within the Mexican Roman Catholic
tradition.
The major religions have also been transformed. African
Christianity has incorporated many local religious practices
and ideas, and these influences have seeped into religious
life in the older Christian countries. For example, Christian
music today owes a huge debt to African and African American
musical traditions. Modern technologies have also served
the major faiths. Mass communication and rapid long-distance
transport have greatly enhanced the Pope’s authority
over international Roman Catholicism, and the pilgrimage
to Mecca is now accessible to millions of Muslims, who fly
to Saudi Arabia from around the world.

Christ Taken Down from the Cross
Art in the Anglican Cathedral
Harare, Zimbabwe
Photo by R. Dunn
Beginning in Big Era Seven, modern science
presented a formidable challenge to religious faith. The
prestige of modern science derives from its universality.
That is, the same scientific experiment should work as
well in New York as in New Delhi, as well in a Jewish laboratory
as in a Muslim one. Science has also been astonishingly
successful at manipulating and controlling the material
environment in ways that benefit human health and quality
of life. For all its achievements, however, science remains
a rapidly evolving tradition. In Big Era Nine, fundamental
new ideas, or “paradigms,” emerged in several
crucial disciplines, including cosmology, nuclear physics,
biology, and geology. In cosmology, the “Big Bang
Theory” provided an explanation of the origins of
the universe. Physicists have gained deep understanding
of the nature of sub-atomic particles. Biologists now grasp
the role of DNA in evolutionary change. In geology, the
theory of plate tectonics has provided a platform for new
understanding of the development and evolution of life.
The successes of science also led to new problems. The
biotechnological revolution gave scientists the ability
to manipulate genes and, in principle, to clone (make individual
genetic duplicates of) animals, including human beings.
Should such techniques be used? What might the consequences
be? Should humans tinker with life and death in such fundamental
ways? Similarly, the spectacular power humans now have
over the environment poses new challenges. Should we restrain
our consumption to save the environment, even if this means
reducing living standards in wealthier countries and slowing,
rather than speeding up, the development of poorer countries?
Is it legitimate for any country to arm itself with nuclear
weapons whose release would spell disaster for everyone?
Big Era Nine has been an era of staggering change and
has left us with more questions than answers. Perhaps the
most important question is whether or not humans will succeed
at managing a global system that as the twenty-first century
moves ahead is both complex and fragile.
Abstract Painting of the Post-World War
II Era
Jackson Pollock, No. 1 (1949)
Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles
Photo by R. Dunn
Teaching Units for Big Era Nine

Definition of Panorama Teaching Units
Definition of Landscape Teaching Units
9.1 |
World politics and global economy after World War II |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete Teaching Unit
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9.2 |
The two big powers and their Cold War |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete
Teaching Unit PDF Format
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9.3 |
A multitude of sovereign states |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete Teaching Unit PDF Format Requires Adobe
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9.4 |
Wealth and poverty since 1950 |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete Teaching Unit PDF Format
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9.5 |
The world at warp speed: science, technology, and the computer revolution |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete Teaching Unit PDF Format
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9.6 |
Population explosion and environmental change since 1950 |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete Teaching Unit PDF Format
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9.7 |
Globe-girdling cultural trends |
Summary of Teaching Unit |
Complete Teaching Unit PDF Format
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Definition of Closeup Teaching Units
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